Daystar University Repository :: Browsing by Author "Musya, Justus Katoo"

Browsing by Author "Musya, Justus Katoo"

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Broadcast Media Stories by Standard Group Plc That Escalate or De-Escalate Electoral Violence in Kenya
(International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledgee, 2019-06-06) Halima, Rose; Musya, Justus Katoo; Simon, Muthomi
The main objective of the study was to investigate broadcast media stories by Standard Group Public Limited Company (PLC) that escalate or de-escalate electoral violence in Kenya. This study was anchored on the tenets of the Libertarian Theory and the Social Responsibility Theory. The study used a descriptive survey design. The target population in the study comprised of the 695 SG PLC employees in broadcasting department, Communication Authority of Kenya, the police, human rights groups and survivors of 2017 post election violence. The sample population of the study consisted of 139 SG PLC employees in broadcasting department, the police, Communication Authority of Kenya, human rights groups and survivors of 2017 post election violence. The study used the combination of probability and non-probability sampling methods. The study also used questionnaires and interviews as research instruments. Quantitative data was presented using charts, figures, tables, frequencies, and percentages. Qualitative data on the other hand was analyzed by content analysis. The study found that that stories on tribal clashes, hate speech by politicians, one sided stories and use of languages demeaning another group were likely to escalate violence. The study concluded that SG media stories have a positive and significant association with electoral violence reduction/increase. It was recommended that the SG group and other media groups need to screen information before being released to the public.
Effect of Political Mobilization on Political Violence in Nairobi County, Kenya: Focus on Mathare and Kibra Informal Settlements
(: International Journal of Management Sciences (IJMS, 2017-06-16) Musya, Justus Katoo
This article arose out of a need to understand better the role of political elite and actors in the mobilization of ethnic supporters for political action, specifically the recurrent political violence, in Kibra and Mathare. To investigate how political elites consolidate ethnic mobilization and use it in political contests, quantitative analysis was used and involved a proportional stratified random sample. A sample size of sample size of (n=766) was used and was divided equally between Kibra (n=383) and Mathare (n=383). The sample was weighted to reflected the relative sample sizes in Kibra (n=7) and Mathare (n=6). The sample was disaggregated as “in-group”, “out-group”, and “other group”. The “in-group” (n=296) were presumed ethnic supporters of the ruling elite during the 2007 presidential election and the “out-group” (n=268) supported the non-ruling elite in this contest. Besides, these groups had engaged severally in ethno-political conflicts in the study area. The “other-group” (n=202) belonged to smaller ethnic groups living in the study area who did not belong to the core ethnic groups from who the political elite drew political support. The group was used as an analytical tool –to compare conflict attitudes and behaviour against the “in-group and “out groups.” Regarding political mobilization apropos the 2007-2008 national election, statistically significant differences were observed, with the “in-group” having higher levels of mobilization than the “out-group”. This suggests the “in-group”, was keener to preserve its status of privilege than the “out-group” was to shed off its marginalised status. Regarding scores for political violence, the “out group” had lower scores than the “in-group”, suggesting the “out-group” had stronger negative attitudes and behaviour towards the “in-group” than did the latter towards the former group. Hypotheses testing showed that political mobilization was a significant factor in the outbreak of political violence in the study area. But significant differences were observed vis a vis the “in-group” and “out-group”. Political mobilization was a factor in political violence for the “in-group” and not for the “out-group", the presumed initiators of the violence in the study area. Political violence occurred spontaneously when animosities of the “out-group” escalated, triggered by the declaration of a disputed election. But the use of political violence as a tool to achieve political objectives was organised and enabled by political elites, who used ethnic militia to score political objectives
Ethnicity & Political Violence A Kenyan Perspective with Reference to Mathare and Kibra Informal Settlements
(The Kairos Book Publishers, 2023) Musya, Justus Katoo
Besides addressing the original and the deleterious effects of negative ethnicity on Mathare and Kibra Informal Settlements, within the city of Nairobi, this book also theorizes on the broader philosophy behind ethnic tensions, and to an extent, xenophobic behaviours troubling the post-colonial Africa. In particular, the role of inequalities in causing ethnic grievances, its role in fuelling ethnic mobilization, its global perspective, its regional dimension, its national dimension, and its local perspectives have all been surveyed so as to guide us in addressing divisive citizenry. By the time we are done with reading these dimensions of ethnic perspectives, we are driven to start thinking deeper. And indeed, we are enabled to think critically and creatively and brought to the understanding of the problem: namely, the negative ethnicity (derogatorily called tribalism) and we are simultaneously driven to start working towards solutions and/or problem-solving. Put differently: why shouldn‟t ethnic diversity help us appreciate our great favours from God, as plurality is God‟s economy for the world? Why should Africans utilise ethnic cards to mobilize electoral politics? Why should we vote in a person simply because he or she is from our local ethnic group? Does it matter who messes up or builds the country; aren‟t they the same practical terms? In the worst case scenario, we are driven to ask: Why use ethnic mobilisation to instigate political violence that will eventually lead to displacements, as in the case of post December 2007 disputed elections where over 400, 000 were displaced from their farms; and Kenya became a home of internally displaced persons (IDPs)? Besides the above, this book theorizes the philosophy revolving around ethnic conflicts. How can these theories help in vi understanding ethnic conflicts? The author has ably strived to make sense out of this. In a nutshell, negative ethnicity is caused by lack of vision among the leaders and/or elites of society. In some cases, historical injustices, rooted in colonial hegemony, have had their share of promoting ethnic divisions and conflicts. Take for instance, the amalgamation of Nigeria of 1914, for instance. Yes, it created the North and South, can we view it as a marriage of inconvenience, particularly when we recall the terrorist activities in the north? Certainly, the amalgamation of North and South Sudan since 1956 left a scar within the rank-and-file of Southerners, the black Africans, who felt that the Arabs in northern part were enslaving them. This resulted in endless wars between the Arabs and the black Africans. In 1983, the Sudanese People‟s Liberation Army (SPLA) was formed so as to battle the then Arab-dominated government of the northern Sudan. This was followed by the formation of the Sudan People‟s Liberation Movement (SPLM), as the political wing of SPLA. The formation of SPLM on 16th May 1983 came after the Arab-dominated Sudan‟s government reneged on the so-called Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972. This agreement was previously signed by the then Sudanese President Gaafar Nimeiry (1930-2009), who reigned from 1969 to 1985, and the then rebel movement, Anyanya leader, Joseph Lagu, on 27th February 1972. It is in this Addis Ababa Agreement where the Southern Sudanese were to be given economic, social, political, religious, and educational rights. The signing of the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972 had thus brought down the long ranging conflict. Prior to this, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan had ceased after independence in 1956, as it now became Sudan. This came after both the Egyptian and the British governments recognised Sudan as an independent country; and eventually terminated vii their respective shares of sovereignty over it. Reneging on the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement of recognising the Southern Sudanese religiosity by Field Marshal Jaafar Muhammad Nimeiry (1930-2009), who served as President from 25 May 1969 to 6 April 1985, and his decision to begin Islamist rule, speaks for the nature of African conflicts: a phenomenon where we „suspend‟ our governing „constitutions‟ from family to national levels without any iota of shame. Ripples are that we become our own enemies who fuels conflicts that can be ethnic, racial, social, political or xenophobic based. Thus the Sudanese case, of reneging on a memorandum of understanding, ushered in a conflict between the practitioners of Islam religion (northerners) and the Christians and traditionalist of South Sudan, a contestation that did not die till 2011 when South Sudan became an independent country under the SPLA/SPLM in 2011. Back to negative ethnicity, we appreciate that conflicts are also caused by religious intolerance, as the Sudanese case has demonstrated. Religious intolerance is manifested by blind religiosity or blind denominationalism that doesn‟t see anything good in others. Equally, blind ethnic loyalty doesn‟t see anything good in other ethnic groups existing in the same country. It is a psychological disorder that needs to be diagnosed through public education. As a social construct, it can be deconstructed through re-educating, de-education, and be eventually reconstructed for the betterment of society. A society that fails to educate people on the dangers of negative ethnicity or racial-national prejudices faces extinction from the map of the world. The height of madness in any nation reaches its climax when a notoriously religious continent and her countries allow religion to become the opium of, and for the people, thereby eulogizing religio-denominational intolerance and dehumanisations. When politicians use religion to confuse viii the vulnerable poor-weak-and-hungry citizenry, as they strive to promote the Big Man‟s Syndrome and/or Messianic political leaderships, the true rapture gets closer and closer. It could as well mark the proverbial “last days.” Are we under borrowed time? In Uganda, the contestations between the Anglicans who were mainly members of Milton Obote‟s (1925-2005) Uganda People‟s Congress versus the Democratic Party under Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere (1932-2022), whose supporters were mainly Catholics, polarised Uganda for a long time; and has remained a wound that takes long to heal. When a religiousinclined society views some politicians as Mosaic-Messiah‟s, while their contestants are effectively portrayed as Devilincarnates, it becomes a preparatory route for ending the life of a nation. Besides this, all forms of marginalization, resource control, and lack of vision among the emerging leaderships in Africa, must be re-evaluated from time to time so as to ensure that ethnic plurality does not become a curse. Rather, our rich cultural diversity has to remain our strength rather than as our weakness; and indeed, it has to remain the source of health and wealth of a nation. Having said this, I wish to recommend Justus K. Musya‟s book: “Ethnicity & Political Violence: A Kenyan Perspective with Reference to Mathare and Kibra Informal Settlements.” It brings back the theme of Ethnicity that ought to be addressed from time to time. With negative ethnicity, ethnic balkanisation, banditry, refugee crisis, religious intolerance, narcotics, dangerous liquor, terrorism, economic mismanagement, suspicious and mysterious pandemics, and bad politics, threatening the very existence of the African populace in the twenty-first century, a sharp-shooter, of Musya‟s level, is needed to outfox the enemy; and eventually call the society back to its conscience. We thus need the likes of Musya to come and say: “Look here! We are staring at danger; hence stop mishandling ix ethnic cards. Use it to enrich the society rather than impoverish the very society that God so much loved.” The book is recommendable to scholars of all nations under the sun! Referring to the Africanist scholars in particular, the aspiring scholars, and readers and leaders of all walks of life. This is your book, and indeed it is a little encyclopaedia on how to handle the ethnic card
How Indigenous Leadership Research in Africa Can Inspire National Prosperity
(Open Journal of Social Sciences, 2023-07-18) Bukusi, Allan Doyle Mududa; Korir, Agnes Jemutai; Musya, Justus Katoo
This paper challenges leaders involved in governance, politics, academia, industry and leadership training to access the Afrocentric leadership advantage to unlock the wisdom and benefits of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) across the continent. The authors conducted a review of recent published literature by African leadership scholars that authenticate indigenous leadership thought in the face of historic, colonial and imperial Eurocentric western theory. The authors re-position indigenous leadership research as a critical center-piece and last-mile strategy to achieve pragmatic national transformation. The authors argue that hegemonic Eurocentric leadership models serve to satisfy global, financial and economic capital gains metrics, but do not always serve the social wellbeing and transformative growth interests of local communities. The paper urges policy makers, leadership program developers and business innovators to access and incorporate the findings of Indigenous Leadership Research in Africa (ILRA) to inspire national development and prosperity over the next 200 years.
Intersection of Culture, Ecclesia, and Transgender Persons Navigating Identity, Beliefs, and Acceptance
(Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS), 2023) Ndiinu, Lydiah W.; Musya, Justus Katoo
Transgender persons in Kenya, Africa and the world continue to face discrimination in various facets of their lifetimes, which has negative impacts on their wellbeing. This is evident right from their respective homes, among their neighbourhoods, in educational institutions, in public and social places, and in their workplaces. The Church, as a public and social place, is crucial for the wellbeing of individuals, communities, and society in general, including transgender persons. In addition, Kenyan citizens practise various cultures and traditions, alongside other faiths that they have earned their conversion, with majority practising Christianity, followed by Islam, and other religions. These African cultures and traditions are integral in socialisation at the community level, given the fact that, by and large, it still ‘takes a village to raise up a child’. As such, discrimination of transgender persons in the Church and in the local African cultures and traditions does not bode well for the wellbeing of these transgender persons. That said, there is need for the above trio to embrace transgender persons as Christ embraced all, and as African cultures and traditions also embraced different genders and sexualities. This will serve to demonstrate a workable and/or logical intersection of love, inclusivity and community. This research article utilizes an extensive review of literature to arrive at the key points. Analysis of these key points has been done in our bid to understand the intersection between the trios.
‘Kairos’ Theology in Apartheid South Africa
(Churchman, 2012) Musya, Justus Katoo
This paper is about theological discourse in South Africa during apartheid. John de Grouchy has identified four theological approaches that emerged during that period. These theologies are: (1) confessing, (2) black liberation, (3) feminist, and (4) kairos or prophetic.1 In this study, I dwell on the kairos theology. I examine its impacts on apartheid and propound its implications for African Christianity.
Maritime Insecurity at Lake Victoria, Homa Bay County Exploring the Socio-Economic Factors that Contributes to Instability
(Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS), 2003) Handa, Diana Akama; Musya, Justus Katoo
This research article examines the significance of maritime security, as one of the most recent axioms of international relations and diplomacy. It focusses on the socioeconomic factors that contribute to maritime insecurity along Lake Victoria's Homa Bay shores. In order to determine the research outcome, a qualitative research approach and an exploratory research design were used in unveiling the problem under consideration. Individuals and organizations/institutions from the Homa Bay’s Lake Region site were the target population. The research article has employed the purposive sampling technique and the saturation principle to obtain a sample size of 36 participants: 12 for in-depth interviews and 4 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) of 6 members each. The study also used qualitative interviews, focus groups, and observation to collect data. According to the findings, the main Illegal, Unregulated, and Unreported (IUU) fishing issues in Lake Victoria, Homa Bay County are unauthorized fishing, criminal gangs and pirates, encroachment by foreign fishers, employment of minors/children as fishers, use of prohibited gears and fishing methods, and fishing young, endangered, and protected fish species. Furthermore, IUU fishing is endangering fish stocks in Lake Victoria's Homa Bay County. In its results findings, the research article recommends that more patrol officers guard the waters in order to prevent illegal fishers and criminal gangs from roaming freely.
Procedures Used in Developing and Validating the Quality of Life Scale in the Context of the Ethno-Political Conflicts in Mathare and Kibra, Nairobi City County, Kenya
(Society & Sustainability, 2020) Musya, Justus Katoo
Slight differences in standard of living, issuing from horizontal inequalities between ethnic groups, are a predicate of ethnopolitical violence in Kenya. Developing and validating a scale to estimate the quality of life differences, between warring ethnic groups, can deepen our understanding of an important precursor of ethnopolitical conflict. From a careful review of poverty and developmental literature, the 16 items used in the Quality of Life Scale emerged. In subsequent exploratory factor analysis, a three-factor solution surfaced, and this was subjected to confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The CFA model scale met the criteria for composite reliability, construct validity, and strict factorial invariance. The scale has enriched our understanding of the three latent dimensions of quality of life that matter most in characterizing the quality of life. First, the indicator "proud about your life" was the strongest factor for latent factor social and physical wellbeing. Second, “can save income”, a proxy for quality of employment. This was the leading indicator for latent factor disposable income. Third, and the indicator “house comfortable to live in” was the notable indicator of latent factor living standards. The Quality of Life Scale can track trends in quality of life of ethnic groups that have a history of ethnopolitical conflict in places like Mathare and Kibra. The scale can be used in other known hotspots of violence in Kenya too where ethnic groups are susceptible to ethnopolitical conflict borne of quality of life differences.
Role of Ethnic Grievances in the Instigation of Political Violence in Nairobi County: Case of Mathare and Kibra Informal Settlements
(International Journal of Innovative Research and Development, 2017) Musya, Justus Katoo
This study emerged in response to knowledge gaps on the role of ethnicity in the recurrent political conflicts in Mathare and Kibra, the worst of which occurred during the post-election violence of 2007. In solving the research problem, a systematic and methodical investigation on the causes of the recurrent political violence in the study area was done using a mixed research design. This analytical exercise involved testing of hypothesis about the relationship between quality of life differences and ethnic grievances. And qualitative interviews were informative on factors of conflict formation, escalation, and de-escalation. In testing the instrumentalist theory of conflict, it was observed that statistically significant differences existed between ethnic groups in conflict—the in-group and out-group—about horizontal inequalities and ethnic grievances. The in-group had a higher standard of living than the out-group, and the out-group had higher levels of ethnic grievances than the in-group. Importantly, it was found that there was a statistically significant relationship between horizontal inequalities and ethnic grievances in the study area. Revealed in qualitative interviews was that the relationship between horizontal inequalities and ethnic grievances is significant because it reflects the fears of the in-group of being dominated by the out-group and the frustrations and resentment of the out-group at being dominated by the in-group. The findings have defined the causal mechanism that is basic to the instigation of political violence, ethnic grievances borne of horizontal inequalities between the in-group and out-group. Entities like the National Integration and Cohesion Commission have a better understanding of the conflict dynamics that are basic to political violence in the study area and to other informal settlements that have experienced or are susceptible to political violence.

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